Friday, August 19, 2011 

100 years ago...

Not entirely analogous to the last couple of weeks, but it's always worth returning to William Rees-Mogg's most famous editorial:

Who breaks a butterfly on a wheel?

Mr. JAGGER has been sentenced to impris
onment for three months. He is appealing against conviction and sentence, and has been granted bail until the hearing of the appeal later in the year. In the meantime, the sentence of imprisonment is bound to be widely discussed by the public. And the circumstances are sufficiently unusual to warrant such discussion in the public interest.

Mr. JAGGER was charged with being in possession of four tablets containing amphetamine sulphate and methyl amphetamine hydrochloride; these tablets had been bought, perfectly legally, in Italy, and brought back to this country. They are not a highly dangerous drug, or in a proper dosage a dangerous drug at all. They are of the benzedrine type and the Italian manufacturers recommend them both as a stimulant and as a remedy for travel sickness.

In Britain it is an offence to possess these drugs without a doctor's prescription. Mr. JAGGER's doctor says that he knew and had authorized their use, but he did not give a prescription for them as indeed they had already been purchased. His evidence was not challenged. This was therefore an offence of a technical character, which before this case drew the point to public attention any honest man might have been liable to commit. If after his visit to the POPE the ARCHBISHOP of CANTERBURY had bought proprietary airsickness pills on Rome airport, and imported the unused tablets into Britain on his return, he would have risked committing precisely the same offence. No one who has ever travelled and bought proprietary drugs abroad can be sure that he has not broken the law.

JUDGE BLOCK directed the jury that the approval of a doctor was not a defence in law to the charge of possessing drugs without a prescription, and the jury convicted. Mr. JAGGER was not charged with complicity in any other drug offence that occurred in the same house. They were separate cases, and no evidence was produced to suggest that he knew that Mr. FRASER had heroin tablets or that the vanishing Mr. SNEIDERMANN had cannabis resin. It is indeed no offence to be in the same building or the same company as people possessing or even using drugs, nor could it reasonably be made an offence. The drugs which Mr. JAGGER had in his possession must therefore be treated on their own, as a separate issue from the other drugs that other people may have had in their possession at the same time. It may be difficult for lay opinion to make this distinction clearly, but obviously justice cannot be done if one man is to be punished for a purely contingent association with someone else's offence.

We have, therefore, a conviction against Mr. JAGGER purely on the grounds that he possessed four Italian pep pills, quite legally bought but not illegally imported without a prescription. Four is not a large number. This is not the quantity which a pusher of drugs would have on him, nor even the quantity one would expect in an addict. In any case Mr. JAGGER's career is obviously one that does involve great personal strain and exhaustion; his doctor says that he approved the occasional use of these drugs, and it seems likely that similar drugs would have been prescribed if there was a need for them. Millions of similar drugs are prescribed in Britain every year, and for a variety of conditions.

One has to ask, therefore, how it is that this technical offence, divorced as it must be from other people's offences, was thought to deserve the penalty of imprisonment. In the courts at large it is most uncommon for imprisonment to be imposed on first offenders where the drugs are not major drugs of addiction and there is no question of drug traffic. The normal penalty is probation, and the purpose of probation is to encourage the offender to develop his career and to avoid the drug risks in the future. It is surprising therefore that JUDGE BLOCK should have decided to sentence Mr. JAGGER to imprisonment, and particularly surprising as Mr. JAGGER's is about as mild a drug case as can evr have been brought before the Courts.

It would be wrong to speculate on the JUDGE's reasons, which we do not know. It is, however, possible to consider the public reaction. There are many people who take a primitive view of the matter, what one might call a pre-legal view of the matter. They consider that Mr. JAGGER has "got what was coming to him". They resent the anarchic quality of the Rolling Stones' performances, dislike their songs, dislike their influence on teenagers and broadly suspect them of decadence, a word used by MISS MONICA FURLONG in the 'Daily Mail'.

As a sociological concern this may be reasonable enough, and at an emotional level it is very understandable, but it has nothing to do with the case. One has to ask a different question: has Mr. JAGGER received the same treatment as he would have received if he had not been a famous figure, with all the criticism and resentment his celebrity has aroused? If a promising undergraduate had come back from a summer visit to Italy with four pep pills in his pocket would it have been thought right to ruin his career by sending him to prison for three months? Would it also have been thought necessary to display him in handcuffed to the public?

There are cases in which a single figure becomes the focus for public concern about some aspect of public morality. The Stephen Ward case, with its dubious evidence and questionable verdict, was one of them, and that verdict killed STEPHEN WARD. There are elements of the same emotions in the reactions to this case. If we are going to make any case a symbol of the conflict between the sound traditional values of Britain and the new hedonism, then we must be sure that the sound traditional values include those of tolerance and equity. It should be the particular quality of British justice to ensure that Mr. JAGGER is treated exactly the same as anyone else, no better and no worse. There must remain a suspicion in this case that Mr. JAGGER received a more severe sentence than would have been thought proper for any purely anonymous young man.

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Thursday, August 18, 2011 

2031 here we come.

Much as this blog has always been against the tendency to split the whole population of a nation down the middle into two distinct groups in the past, I'm finding it hard to see such nuances when it comes to the sentences given to the "Facebook rioters". You have those who think that four years in prison for making events pages on a social networking website for riots which were never going to take place is ridiculously harsh, and then you have vindictive wankers who have obviously never done anything stupid in their entire lives who think it's perfectly acceptable.

The ostensible reason why Jordan Blackshaw and Perry Sutcliffe-Keenan have received what seem such disproportionate terms of imprisonment is that inciting a riot, even if it doesn't take place or was never intended as anything other than a joke, is regarded as a more serious offence than the violent disorder which would result from it. This is underlined by the ranges set out by Judge Andrew Gilbart in his remarks before sentencing the first batch of those who pleaded guilty to taking part in the rioting in Manchester and Salford: he argues "that the context in which the offences of the night of 9th of August were committed takes them completely outside the usual context of criminality", and so feels likewise that the normal sentencing guidelines "are of much less weight in the context of the current case, and can properly be departed from". His starting point for "organisers of riots or commerical burglaries" after trial is 8 years upwards.

Blackshaw and Sutcliffe-Keenan then if anything seem to have got off relatively lightly, such is the climate that has descended. Judge Elgar Edwards, who sentenced both men, described their offences as happening at a time of "collective insanity", before going to err, describe what Blackshaw did as an "evil act". Perhaps though we shouldn't be so surprised: we've seen with the #twitterjoketrial that judges and the authorities don't take kindly to what seem to online dwellers like ourselves self-evidently mocking messages, regardless of the hints of menace they have in them. This was of a different scale, and added to the general level of unease which communities all around the country were going through, with the police turning up at Blackshaw's proposed location, yet it's both the lack of consistency between the terrible crimes you can commit and get 4 years for and the knowledge that there were plenty of other people out there on Facebook and Twitter spreading rumour and panic causing much the same fear and uncertainty without so much as being lectured for doing so that makes it stick in the craw so much.

Not that there's much consistency either in the sentences which have been handed down for those taking part in the actual looting. Gilbart gave Linda Mary Boyd, the woman who picked up a bag containing stolen alcohol, cigarettes and a mobile phone ten months suspended for two years. He judged her to be unlike the others he was sentencing, despite Boyd having a long record of petty offending. Such considerations were not given by Judge Robert Atherton, who sets out how he "respectfully agrees with the ranges" outlined by Gilbart, to Conrad McGrath, a 21-year-old student who previously seems to have had an entirely clean record. Arrested after being seen in a looted Tesco Express, Atherton sentenced him to 16 months for burglary (PDF). Even when taking everything into account, including McGrath's stupidity and his role in the wider unrest, it seems an overly harsh punishment for a first-time offender who didn't actually steal anything. A twelve month suspended sentence, which involved perhaps a curfew and also a form of restorative justice would surely both serve the stated parameters of "sending a message" while also acting as an effective punishment.

The Heresiarch asks:

That being the case, is it really fair to hand out exemplary sentences to rioters who were merely acting in accordance with human nature, who are not actually violent criminals? And is such sentencing policy good either for them or for society?

He goes on to suggest it is. I'm not so sure. While the public mood is undoubtedly in favour of the harsh penalties being handed down, and some of those involved truly are deserving of what they have coming their way, our prisons are not exactly renowned for their work in reducing recidivism, while the current overcrowding is hardly going to improve the conditions for those first time offenders finding themselves in a circle of hell as a result of a few hours of madness. It's also dubious that the fear of such punishments can ever overcome the peer pressure of the mob when you're caught up in it.

Moreover, all the signs are that last week's events are another one-off which we'll end up looking back at in a similar way to the race riots 10 years ago and the disturbances in the 80s: memories fade quickly, while the young often have only the most superficial knowledge of events during their early childhood. It's safe to bet that plenty of those under 21 had very little to no knowledge whatsoever of the Toxteth, Brixton and Broadwater Farm riots of the 80s. Exemplary sentences only stay that way as long as they can be recalled. Come the 2031 riots, those on all sides will doubtless make the same arguments all over again.

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Wednesday, February 16, 2011 

An appalling slur.

One of the absolute worst traits of the last government, of the many to choose from, was the way it characteristically over a number of years responded to judgements which went against it. A mixture of posturing verging occasionally on the bullying, both David Blunkett and John Reid during their periods as home secretary fulminated against the judiciary when they dared to suggest that they should reconsider the legal consequences of their policies, both on criminal justice and anti-terrorism. Blunkett at one point all but dared the judiciary to find fault with elements of what would become the Terrorism Act of 2006, while Reid's blunderbuss approach ultimately ended up with him being hoist by his own petard, unable to live up to the populist image of himself presented in the tabloids.

The attorney general Dominic Grieve said at the weekend that we're about to experience "what I suspect is going to be the least populist period of government that you have had for many a year". In many respects, he may well be right: Ken Clarke's prison policy has marked an end to the "incarceration works" consensus of almost the past two decades, while Nick Clegg's freedom bill will roll back many of the authoritarian measures introduced by Labour. While the latter plays better with the Daily Mail than it does with the likes of the Sun, both are little short of furious over the former. Add in how certain Conservative backbenchers have long played a happy role providing quotes to the tabloids over the latest human rights outrage, benefits scandal or prisoner privileges' passing frenzy and it's obvious that something has to give, regardless of what the Liberal Democrats think.

Hence it's time to once again beat up on the judges for interpreting the law as they see it. Last Thursday saw the Commons effectively engage in a four-hour long orgy of European Court of Human Rights bashing, with many muttering darkly, aided by a spectacularly badly researched and argued Policy Exchange report, that it's about time we disengaged ourselves from the court we created after it rather meekly suggested that we reconsider our "disproportionate" ban on all prisoners being denied suffrage. Cameron previously had ascended to new heights of hyperbole in claiming that even the thought of doing so made him feel "physically sick", surely meaning that the nausea must rise the moment he makes almost any decision about anything. That perhaps could be expected in response to a ruling emanating from "Europe", where madness is mandatory; far more disgraceful is that both Cameron and Theresa May today referred to the decision of the supreme court from last April that those convicted of sexual offences should have a right to appeal against indefinite inclusion on the state register as "appalling", and one which they would take the "minimum possible approach" to.

In fact, the "minimum possible approach" amounts to making the conditions of being on the register even more onerous, apparently out of nothing more than spite for the case being brought and for the judges who every step of the way agreed that there should be some sort of system of review in place. Those travelling abroad for even a day will now have to report their movements to the police, down from the 3 days currently in statute. Few (including myself) will quibble with 15 years having to pass before anyone can appeal against their permanent inclusion on the register, as all those sentenced to longer than 30 months' imprisonment for a sexual offence are automatically, but the police hardly seem the best agency to make an impartial and independent ultimate decision on the matter. Lord Philips in the ruling wrote "that there must be some circumstances in which an appropriate tribunal could reliably conclude that the risk of an individual carrying out a further sexual offence can be discounted to the extent that continuance of notification requirements is unjustified." The police don't even begin to fit that description.

While it's easy to complain about such potentially devious and depraved individuals as the paedophile in the popular imagination being given a state sanctioned opportunity to return to their wicked former ways, it's worth remembering that one of the two who brought the case was convicted of his offence as an 11-year-old boy. As terrible as his crime, the rape of a 6-year-old was, it is surely right that he should be able to challenge at some point the restrictions he will otherwise face for the rest of his life. We don't expect those convicted of other crimes before they are 16 to be ultimately paying for their offence until their dying day, unable to prove that they can be trusted to live without informing the authorities of their every significant move. Is it really so appalling that three separate sets of judges said that the government should think again?

Apparently it is. Theresa May even resorted to the same kind of argument constantly wheeled out by the likes of Blunkett and Reid, stating "[I]t is time to assert that parliament makes our laws, not the courts, that the rights of the public come before the rights of criminals and, above all, that we have a legal framework that brings sanity to cases such as these." The courts of course have never even began to make the law: the supreme court's ruling is not binding, nor does it strike down the current system. Martin Kettle summarised the position best when commenting on the Belmarsh ruling back in 2004:

The first is that neither judicial review nor the development of human rights law is a judicial invasion of the legislature's turf. Executive action has always had to be lawful, and it has always been for the courts to decide what is lawful and what is not. Judicial review, as Lord Irvine said in the House of Lords in 1996, promotes the rule of law. It rules only on the legality of a decision, not its correctness.


Again, like with New Labour much of this sabre-rattling is doubtless for show rather than out of real genuine conviction, or at least one would hope so. How sad however that a government which on the whole has attempted to make a clean break from the previous administration's stance on civil liberties and criminal justice finds itself so soon resorting back to the failed populist politics of the past, with the Liberal Democrats not even raising a whimper in protest.

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Monday, August 02, 2010 

The criminal justice system, a book and a life.

One of the problems for those of us who think for the most part the criminal justice system tends to do an incredibly difficult job about as well as can be expected is that for however many cases where that does happen, there are always a minority which stick out as examples of either justice not being done, where it has actively been denied, or where the end sentences have either been too harsh or alternatively, not harsh enough.

Unity reminded us a couple of weeks back when it was decided that the police officer who struck and pushed over Ian Tomlinson would not be charged that others have previously been convicted of manslaughter when there was not even any physical contact involved. Sarah Campbell and Kim Woolley, both heroin addicts, had demanded money from Amrit Bhandari, who, terrified, refused to hand any over. Woolley, in response, then loudly claimed that Bhandari had raped her. Neither could have known that Bhandari had a weak heart, and overcome by the stress of the situation, he collapsed and died. Campbell and Bhandari then compounded the offence by stealing his wallet as he lay stricken on the pavement, claiming later that they had believed he had simply fainted. Campbell was on the autistic spectrum, had been sexually abused, had a history of depression and had made numerous previous attempts at taking her own life. She took an overdose the day after she began her three year prison sentence.

Her mother later made the point that the courts tend to come down harder on women, and especially on drug addicts, even though Campbell had succeeded prior to the trial in getting clean. Normally, you would also presume that a sentence for manslaughter would tend to be longer than one for handling stolen goods, yet today that wasn't the case. Admittedly, the "goods" which Raymond Scott handled were extraordinarily rare: one of the few surviving 17th century examples of Shakespeare's first folio, stolen from Durham University back in 1998. Ten years later while in America he took it be to valued at the Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington DC, where, suspicious, they called the police. While the book itself was not damaged, the title leaf and binding had been cut off in an attempt at removing any easily identifying features. Interesting is the language used by one of the experts from the Folger library:

"This is a cultural object which represents literary history, civilisation of humanity and the spread of the arts.

"It's not just a book, it's a cultural legacy that has been damaged, brutalised, mutilated.

"The damage to the book is unconscionable; it's irreparable."


Ever so slightly hyperbolic perhaps? It's not as if this was the equivalent, deliberate smashing of an ancient, genuinely irreplaceable vase into smithereens, the Taliban destroying the Buddhas of Banyam because of intolerant religious fanaticism in an definable act of cultural vandalism, nor as the vice-chancellor of Durham University had it, the taking a knife to Constable's The Hay Wain; this was an act of theft and the covering of tracks which didn't overall affect the work itself. Even taking into consideration Scott's record of dishonesty and past offences, six years for handling the book and two for taking it out of the country seems excessive.

It seems even more so when on the same day Michael Ridley was sentenced to five years in prison for manslaughter and grievous bodily harm. In one of those stupid, senseless and completely avoidable incidents which seem all too familiar, Ridley struck Chris Chacksfield and his wife Adele with such force after they apparently knocked into him while on a night out that both were thrown to the floor. Chacksfield died of head injuries three days later. Ridley, like Sarah Campbell, almost certainly didn't intend to kill Chacksfield, yet even if he had been drinking he should have known the possible consequences of hitting someone, especially as an amateur boxer. Five years might well be around the right sort of time frame for such an offence, especially as Ridley plead guilty, although many would doubtless say anything up to 10 years would be appropriate, yet it seems especially light when total terms for handling a stolen book, however valuable, and taking it out of the country result in three years longer.

The idiosyncrasies of the system, it should be pointed out, are balanced by the ability for sentences to both be extended as unduly lenient if the attorney general refers the case to the court of appeal, while they can also be reduced in a similar fashion by appeal if it felt to have been to harsh or if the judge has erred in law. One of the positives of the system which should be defended is also that judges still do have at least a vestige of personal discretion, and having heard all the evidence, they are in the best position initially to determine what the sentence should be. The details of the cases can sometimes play into the personal biases of the judges; who knows how far the cultural aspect of the Shakespeare theft and vandalism of the book, even if neither were actually committed by Scott, played into his sentence, while the fact that both Chacksfields were in the armed forces may have made into Ridley's. It doesn't however provide any comfort that the law is essentially saying that a book is worth more than a life, and how that poses a direct challenge to those of us who would do nothing to change that, however correctly.

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Monday, April 14, 2008 

This is how an MP's mind fails to work.

You really would have thought that an MP would understand something as basic as the separation of powers, but it seems that Denis MacShane seems to have skipped that constitutional lesson. In fact, let's be fair here for just a moment: MacShane knows quite well the difference between the judiciary and parliament and why they're independent from one another, it's just that a little thing like that would get in the way of his argument. After all, just what sort of person who believes in democracy and not the obvious usurpation of power by unelected judges indulging in activism could fail to be angered by the three decisions of last week where the government's decision to stop the SFO inquiry into corruption in the Saudi-BAE al-Yamamah deal was torn to shreds, with the added embarrassments of not being able to deport Abu Qatada and soldiers being protected by the HRA adding to the beetroot-like pall of ministers' faces?

Let's for half a second then indulge MacShane's argument, or as it could be more accurately painted, obscurantism. His flourishing finish is thus:

I am no defender of ministers or of any untrammelled right to government to interpret the law in a way which may be illegal. But am I alone in wanting parliament to decide our law, elected politicians not unelected judges to execute them, and when judges are called upon to interpret the law an obligation that they listen to the will of parliament, not the passions and prejudices which they like all of us are not immune to?

Surely if MacShane had put slightly more thought into this he would have realised the very first sticky problem with his plea. The SFO inquiry into the BAE slush fund was not stopped by an elected politician; it was halted after the head of the SFO gave into the demands of Lord Goldsmith, the very much unelected attorney general, who himself was heavily lent on by the prime minister, who most certainly has no right whatsoever to decide which investigations should be continued and which should not, regardless of his being elected. Perhaps further evidence of MacShane's disconnection with reality is provided in this previous statement:

Thus when a British prime minister says he believes that national security may be threatened if a political-judicial process continues why must he be disbelieved?

It's difficult to know which metaphor to adopt in response to how easily it would be to mock this. Taking candy from a baby? Shooting fish in a barrel? Putting six past Derby County? It would of course be wonderful to be able to believe that a prime minister would be honest with us over such a matter, but when such a prime minister has such a dismal record of just that, and when the government as a whole has a reputation for using the security argument to justify almost anything, it makes it all the more difficult. It would have been easier to believe also if the person who delivered the threat wasn't the self-same man alleged to have been the one to have received £1bn in payments from the company being investigated. Then again, perhaps we're all just being shockingly cynical.

This is the closest MacShane presents to the will of parliament being involved in the SFO decision:

Parliament has endlessly discussed and debated the Saudi deal since it was first negotiated on the basis of mammoth commissions paid to Saudi princes back in the 1980s. Sir Ming Campbell has brought up the issue regularly in the Commons. The Commons has listened to him with respect as a QC who defends the primacy of lawyers and judges but have not agreed that an elected government does not have the right to decide that a prosecution should not proceed.

The government or indeed parliament though would never dare to interfere with criminal investigations and the decision to proceed in those cases if it involved a member of parliament, regardless of the severity of the crime. This is half the reason why the concessions over 42 days are so feeble - parliament has no business to be deciding whether someone should continue to be held beyond 28 days when they're still in custody. Parliament makes the law - it does not then decide whether or not that law should be applied. When faced with such an obvious conflict of interest with the Saudis and BAE both demanding that the investigation be called off, the government ought to have told both to get their tanks off their law and said that they simply couldn't interfere with the course of justice, as the judges' themselves said in their ruling. Instead they gave in to open blackmail, setting a terrible precedent.

MacShane's argument is equally threadbare on the other two cases. As he admits, the HRA is to be openly interpreted by judges as they see fit. Indeed, they're the best possibly placed to make such a decision, having heard all the relevant evidence and weighed up the opposing arguments, as well as the precedents set by other rulings. You can't have it both ways: you can't set the law and then demand it solely be interpreted in the way you demand, or in your best interests at the relevant point of time; some complain that the HRA and the ECHR are ambiguous, but almost all such documents are. Even the fabled American constitution, the one which set the standard for all that have followed, is being debated and argued about right down to now over exactly what the Second Amendment means and provides for.

Besides, even if all of the above were put to a vote, if MacShane would presumably prefer, how is he so sure that the position he sides with and advocates would be the winning one? The SFO inquiry would probably be stopped if put before the houses, or at least the Commons, as the Conservatives would support the government. On the other two though it's most uncertain: both David Davis and Chris Huhne called for Qatada to be tried in this country rather than deported, and both Lib Dems and Conservatives supported the decision over the soldiers' equipment. With backbench Labour support hardly to be solid on either, the government might well face defeat. It might be easier to take MacShane's point if Labour had been elected by something approaching a majority of the electorate, but it wasn't: only 22% voted for the current government, something that it ought to remember in everything that it does. Instead it continues to hardly govern by MacShane's own high-minded principles, forcing through such unpopular measures as 42 days while continuing to big up the terror threat.

The well-used, moth-eared, almost cliched quote by Orwell is that in times of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act. Would it be too much to request that this government, its ministers and clingers-on actually propose doing the "decent" thing rather than blaming the judiciary and moaning about how parliament is being ignored and emasculated? How about putting Qatada on trial, equipping soldiers properly when you send them out on such unpopular missions, and not giving in to blackmail from those who have grown rich and fat on the money provided by the taxpayer and British companies involved in corrupt practices? Would that really be so difficult? For MacShane and much of New Labour, it seems easier to just blame everyone other than themselves.

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